Why the UK Department for Education is wrong on promoting OECD Pisa

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Why PISA ranks are founded on a methodological thought disorder

 

Dr Hugh Morrison

(The Queen’s University of Belfast [retired])

(drhmorrison@gmail.com)

 

When psychometricians claimed to be able to measure, they used the term ‘measurement’ not just for political reasons but also for commercial ones. … Those who support scientific research economically, socially and politically have a manifest interest in knowing that the scientists they support work to advance science, not subvert it.  And those whose lives are affected by the application of what are claimed to be ‘scientific findings’ also have an interest in knowing that these ‘findings’ have been seriously investigated and are supported by evidence. (Michell, 2000, p. 660)

 

 

This essay is a response to the claim by the Department of Education that: “The OECD is at the forefront of the academic debate regarding item response theory [and] the OECD is using what is acknowledged as the best available methodology [for international comparison studies].”

 

Item Response Theory plays a pivotal role in the methodology of the PISA international league table.  This essay refutes the claim that item response theory is a settled, well-reasoned approach to educational measurement.  It may well be settled amongst quantitative psychologists, but I doubt if there is a natural scientist on the planet who would accept that one can measure mental attributes in a manner which is independent of the measuring instrument (a central claim of item response theory).  It will be argued below that psychology’s approach to the twin notions of “quantity” and “measurement” has been controversial (and entirely erroneous) since its earliest days.  It will be claimed that the item response methodolology, in effect, misuses the two fundamental concepts of quantity and measurement by re-defining them for its own purposes.  In fact, the case will be made that PISA ranks are founded on a “methodological thought disorder” (Michell, 1997).

 

Given the concerns of such a distinguished statistician as Professor David Spiegelhalter, the Department of Education’s continued endorsement of PISA is difficult to understand.  This essay extends the critique of PISA and item response theory beyond the concerns of Spiegelhalter to the very data from which the statistics are generated.  Frederick Lord (1980, p. 227-228), the father of modern psychological measurement, warned psychologists that when applied to the individual test-taker, item response theory produces “absurd” and “paradoxical” results.  Given that Lord is one of the architects of item response theory, it is surprising that this admission provoked little or no debate among quantitative psychologists.  Are politicians and the general public aware that item response theory breaks down when applied to the individual?

 

In order to protect the item response model from damaging criticism, Lord proposed what physicists call a “hidden variables” ensemble model when interpreting the role probability plays in item response theory.  As a consequence item response models are deterministic and draw on Newtonian measurement principles. “Ability” is construed as a measurement-independent “state” of the individual which is the source of the responses made to test items (Borsboom, Mellenbergh, & van Heerden, 2003).  Furthermore, item response theory is incapable of taking account of the fact that the psychologist participates in what he or she observe.  Richardson (1999) writes: “[W]e find that the IQ-testing movement is not merely describing properties of people: rather, the IQ test has largely created them” (p. 40).  The participative nature of psychological enquiry renders the objective Newtonian model inappropriate for psychological measurement.  This prompted Robert Oppenheimer, in his address to the American Psychological Association, to caution: [I]t seems to me that the worst of all possible misunderstandings would be that psychology be influenced to model itself after a physics which is not there anymore, which has been quite outdated.”

 

Unlike psychology, Newtonian measurement has very precise definitions of “quantity” and “measurement” which item response theorists simply ignore.  This can have only one interpretation, namely, that the numerals PISA attaches to the education systems of countries aren’t quantities, and that PISA doesn’t therefore “measure” anything, in the everyday sense of that word. I have argued elsewhere that item response theory can escape these criticisms by adopting a quantum theoretical model (in which the notions of “quantity” and “measurement” lose much of their classical transparency).  However, that would involve rejecting one of the central tenets of item response theory, namely, the independence of what is measured from the measuring instrument.  Item response theory has no route out of its conceptual difficulties.

 

This represents a conundrum for the Department of Education.  In endorsing PISA, the Department is, in effect, supporting a methodology designed to identify shortcomings in the mathematical attainment of pupils, when that methodology itself has serious mathematical shortcomings.

 

Modern item response theory is founded on a definition of measurement promulgated by Stanley Stevens and addressed in detail below.  By this means, Stevens (1958, p. 384) simply pronounced psychology a quantitative science which supported measurement, ignoring established practice elsewhere in the natural sciences.  Psychology refused to confront Kant’s view that psychology couldn’t be a science because mental predicates couldn’t be quantified.  Wittgenstein’s (1953, p. 232) scathing critique had no impact on quantitative psychology: “The confusion and barrenness of psychology is not to be explained by calling it a “young science”; its state is not comparable with that of physics, for instance, in its beginnings. … For in psychology there are experimental methods and conceptual confusion. … The existence of the experimental method makes us think we have the means of solving the problems which trouble us; though problem and method pass one another by.”

 

Howard Gardner (2005, p. 86), the prominent Harvard psychologist looks back in despair to the father of psychology itself, William James:

 

On his better days William James was a determined optimist, but he harboured his doubts about psychology.  He once declared, “There is no such thing as a science of psychology,” and added “the whole present generation (of psychologists) is predestined to become unreadable old medieval lumber, as soon as the first genuine insights are made.”  I have indicated my belief that, a century later, James’s less optimistic vision has materialised and that it may be time to bury scientific psychology, at least as a single coherent undertaking.

 

I will demonstrate in a follow-up paper to this essay, an alternative approach which solves the measurement problem as Stevens presents it, but in a manner which is perfectly in accord with contemporary thinking in the natural sciences.  None of the seemingly intractable problems which attend item response theory trouble my account of measurement in psychology.

However, my solution renders item response theory conceptually incoherent.

 

In passing it should be noted that some have sought to conflate my analysis with that of Svend Kreiner, suggesting that my concerns would be assuaged if only PISA could design items which measured equally from country to country.  Nothing could be further from the truth; no adjustment in item properties can repair PISA or item response theory.  No modification of the item response model would address its conceptual difficulties.

 

The essay draws heavily on the research of Joel Michell (1990, 1997, 1999, 2000, 2008) who has catalogued, with great care, the troubled history of the twin notions of quantity and measurement in psychology.  The following extracts from his writings, in which he accuses quantitative psychologists of subverting science, counter the assertion that item response theory is an appropriate methodology for international comparisons of school systems.

 

From the early 1900s psychologists have attempted to establish their discipline as a quantitative science.  In proposing quantitative theories they adopted their own special definition of measurement and treated the measurement of attributes such as cognitive abilities, personality traits and sensory intensities as though they were quantities of the type encountered in the natural sciences.  Alas, Michell (1997) presents a carefully reasoned argument that psychological attributes lack additivity and therefore cannot be quantities in the same way as the attributes of Newtonian physics.  Consequently he concludes: “These observations confirm that psychology, as a discipline, has its own definition of measurement, a definition quite unlike the traditional concept used in the physical sciences” (p. 360).

 

Boring (1929) points out that the pioneers of psychology quickly came to realise that if psychology was not a quantitative discipline which facilitated measurement, psychologists could not adopt the epithet “scientist” for “there would … have been little of the breath of science in the experimental body, for we hardly recognise a subject as scientific if measurement is not one of its tools” (Michell, 1990, p. 7).

 

The general definition of measurement accepted by most quantitative psychologists is that formulated by Stevens (1946) which states: “Measurement is the assignment of numerals to objects or events according to rules” (Michell, 1997, p. 360).  It seems that psychologists assign numbers to attributes according to some pre-determined rule and do not consider the necessity of justifying the measurement procedures used so long as the rule is followed.  This rather vague definition distances measurement in psychology from measurement in the natural sciences.  Its near universal acceptance within psychology and the reluctance of psychologists to confirm (via. empirical study) the quantitative character of their attributes casts a shadow over all quantitative work in psychology.  Michell (1997, p. 361) sees far-reaching implications for psychology:

 

If a quantitative scientist (i) believes that measurement consists entirely in making numerical assignments to things according to some rule and (ii) ignores the fact that the measurability of an attribute presumes the contingent … hypothesis that the relevant attribute possesses an additive structure, then that scientist would be predisposed to believe that the invention of appropriate numerical assignment procedures alone produces scientific measurement.

 

Historically, Fechner (1860) – who coined the word “psychophysics” – is recognised as the father of quantitative psychology.  He considered that the only creditworthy contribution psychology could make to science was through quantitative approaches and he believed that reality was “fundamentally quantitative.”  His work focused on the instrumental procedures of measurement and dismissed any requirement to clarify the quantitative nature of the attribute under consideration.

 

His understanding of the logic of measurement was fundamentally flawed in that he merely presumed (under some Pythagorean imperative) that his psychological attributes were quantities.  Michell (1997) contends that although occasional criticisms were levied against quantitative measurement in psychology, in general the approach was not questioned and became part of the methodology of the discipline.  Psychologists simply assumed that when the study of an attribute generated numbers, that attribute was being measured.

 

The first official detailed investigation of the validity of psychological measurement from beyond its professional ranks was conducted – under the auspices of the British Association for the Advancement of Science – by the Ferguson Committee in 1932.  The non-psychologists on the committee concluded that there was no evidence to suggest that psychological methods measured anything, as the additivity of psychological attributes had not been demonstrated.  Psychology moved to protect its place in the academy at all costs.  Rather than admitting the error identified by the committee and going back to the drawing board, psychologists sought to defend their modus operandi by attempting a redefinition of psychological measurement.  Stevens’ (1958, p. 384) definition that measurement involved “attaching numbers to things” legitimised the measurement practices of psychologists who subsequently were freed from the need to test the quantitative structure of psychological predicates.

 

Michell (1997, p. 356) declares that presently many psychological researchers are “ignorant with respect to the methods they use.”  This ignorance permeates the logic of their methodological practices in terms of their understanding of the rationale behind the measurement techniques used.  The immutable outcome of this new approach to measurement within psychology is that the natural sciences and psychology have quite different definitions of measurement.

 

Michell (1997, p. 374) believes that psychology’s failure to face facts constitutes a “methodological thought disorder” which he defines as “the sustained failure to see things as they are under conditions where the relevant facts are evident.”  He points to the influence of an ideological support structure within the discipline which serves to maintain this idiosyncratic approach to measurement.  He asserts that in the light of commonly available evidence, interested empirical psychologists recognise that “Stevens’ definition of measurement is nonsense and the neglect of quantitative structure a serious omission” (Michell, 1997, p. 376).

 

Despite the writings of Ross (1964) and Rozeboom (1966), for example, Stevens’ definition has been generally accepted as it facilitates psychological measurement by an easily attainable route.  Michell (1997, p. 395) describes psychology’s approach to measurement as “at best speculation and, at worst, a pretence at science.”

 

[W]e are dealing with a case of thought disorder, rather than one of simple ignorance or error and, in this instance, these states are sustained systemically by the almost universal adherence to Stevens’ definition and the almost total neglect of any other in the relevant methodology textbooks and courses offered to students.  The conclusion that follows from this history, especially that of the last five decades, is that systemic structures within psychology prevent the vast majority of quantitative psychologists from seeing the true nature of scientific measurement, in particular the empirical conditions necessary for measurement.  As a consequence, number-generating procedures are consistently thought of as measurement procedures in the absence of any evidence that the relevant psychological attributes are quantitative.  Hence, within modern psychology a situation exists which is accurately described as systemically sustained methodological thought disorder. (Michell, 1997, p. 376)

 

To make my case, let me first make two fundamental points which should shock those who believe that the OECD is using what is acknowledged as the best available methodology for international comparisons.  Both of these points should concern the general public and those who support the OECD’s work.  First, the numerals that PISA publishes are not quantities, and second, PISA tables do not measure anything.

 

To illustrate the degree of freedom afforded to psychological “measurement” by Stevens it is instructive to focus on the numerals in the PISA table.  Could any reasonable person believe in a methodology which claims to summarise the educational system of the United States or China in a single number?  Where is the empirical evidence for this claim?  Three numbers are required to specify even the position of a single dot produced by a pencil on one line of one page of one of the notebooks in the schoolbag of one of the thousands of American children tested by PISA.  The Nobel Laureate, Sir Peter Medawar refers to such claims as “unnatural science.”  Medawar (1982, p. 10) questions such representations using Philip’s (1974) work on the physics of a particle of soil:

 

The physical properties and field behaviour of soil depends on particle size and shape, porosity, hydrogen iron concentration, material flora, and water content and hygroscopy.  No single figure can embody itself in a constellation of values of all these variables in any single real instance … psychologists would nevertheless like us to believe that such considerations as these do not apply to them.

 

Quantitative psychology, since its inception, has modelled itself on the certainty and objectivity of Newtonian mechanics.  The numerals of the PISA tables appear to the man or woman in the street to have all the precision of measurements of length or weight in classical physics.  But, by Newtonian standards, psychological measurement in general, and item response theory in particular, simply have no quantities, and do not “measure,” as that word is normally understood.

 

How can this audacious claim to “measure” the quality of a continent’s education provision and report it in a single number be justified?  The answer, as has already been pointed out, is to be found in the fact that quantitative psychology has its own unique definition of measurement, which is that “measurement is the business of pinning numbers on things” (Stevens, 1958, p. 384).  With such an all-encompassing definition of measurement, PISA can justify just about any rank order of countries.  But this isn’t measurement as that word is normally understood.

 

This laissez faire attitude wasn’t always the case in psychology.  It is clear that, as far back as 1905, psychologists like Titchener recognised that his discipline would have to embrace the established definition of measurement in the natural sciences: “When we measure in any department of natural science, we compare a given measurement with some conventional unit of the same kind, and determine how many times the unit is contained in the magnitude” (Titchener, 1905, p. xix).  Michell (1999) makes a compelling case that psychology adopted Stevens’ ultimately meaningless definition of measurement – “according to Stevens’ definition, every psychological attribute is measurable” (Michell, 1999, p. 19) – because they feared that their discipline would be dismissed by the “hard” sciences without the twin notions of quantity and measurement.

 

The historical record shows that the profession of psychology derived economic and other social advantages from employing the rhetoric of measurement in promoting its services and that the science of psychology, likewise, benefited from supporting the profession in this by endorsing the measurability thesis and Stevens’ definition.  These endorsements happened despite the fact that the issue of the measurability of psychological attributes was rarely investigated scientifically and never resolved. (Mitchell, 1999, p. 192)

 

The mathematical symbolism in the next paragraph makes clear the contrast between the complete absence of rigorous measurement criteria in psychology and the onerous demands placed on the classical physicist.

 

 

To merit the label “quantity” in Newtonian physics, Hölder’s seven axioms must all be satisfied.  Hölder’s axioms are as follows:

 

  1. magnitude pairs, a and b, of Q, one and only one of the following is true:

(i).        a = b and b = a

(ii).       a > b and b < a

(iii).      b > a and a < b

 

  1. magnitudes a of Q, $ some b in Q such that b < a.

 

  1. magnitude pairs, a and b, in Q, $ c in Q such that a + b = c.

 

  1. magnitude pairs, a and b, in Q, a + b > a and a + b > b.

 

  1. magnitude pairs, a and b, in Q, if a < b, $ magnitudes, c and d, in Q, such that a + c = b and d + a = b.

 

  1. magnitude triplets, a, b and c, in Q, (a + b) + c = a + (b + c).

 

  1. pairs of classes, f and y, of magnitudes of Q, such that

(i)         each magnitude of Q belongs to one and only one of f and y

(ii)        neither f nor y are empty, and

(iii)       every magnitude in f is less than each magnitude in y,

$ a magnitude x in Q such that for every other magnitude, x’, in Q, if x’ < x, then x’ Î f and if x’ > x, then x’ Î y (depending on the particular case, x may belong to either class).

 

An essential step in establishing the validity of the concepts “quantity” and “measurement” in item response theory is an empirical analysis centred on Hölder’s conditions.  The reader will search in vain for evidence that quantitative psychologists in general, and item response theorists in particular, subject the predicate “ability” to Hölder’s conditions.

This is because the definition of measurement in psychology is so vague that it frees psychologists of any need to address Hölder’s conditions and permits them, without further ado, to simply accept that the predicates they purport to measure are quantifiable.

 

Quantitative psychology presumed that the psychological attributes which they aspired to measure were quantitative. … Quantitative attributes are attributes having a quite specific structure.  The issue of whether psychological attributes have that sort of structure is an empirical issue … Despite this, mainstream quantitative psychologists … not only neglected to investigate this issue, they presumed that psychological attributes are quantitative, as if no empirical issue were at stake.  This way of doing quantitative psychology, begun by its founder, Gustav Theodor Fechner, was followed almost universally throughout the discipline and still dominates it. … [I]t involved a defective definition of a fundamental methodological concept, that of measurement. … Its understanding of the concept of measurement is clearly mistaken because it ignores the fact that only quantitative attributes are measurable.  Because this … has persisted within psychology now for more than half a century, this tissue of errors is of special interest. (Michell, 1999, pp. xi – xii)

 

This essay has sought to challenge the Department of Education’s claim that in founding its methodology on item response theory, PISA is using the best available methodology to rank order countries according to their education provision.  As Sir Peter Medawar makes clear, any methodology which claims to capture the quality of a country’s entire education system in a single number is bound to be suspect.  If my analysis is correct PISA is engaged in rank-ordering countries according to the mathematical achievements of their young people, using a methodology which itself has little or no mathematical merit.

 

Item response theorists have identified two broad interpretations of probability in their models: the “stochastic subject” and “repeated sampling” interpretations.  Lord has demonstrated that the former leads to absurd and paradoxical results without ever investigating why this should be the case.  Had such an investigation been initiated, quantitative psychologists would have been confronted with the profound question of the very role probability plays in psychological measurement.  Following a pattern of behaviour all too familiar from Michell’s writings, psychologists simply buried their heads in the sand and, at Lord’s urging, set the stochastic subject interpretation aside and emphasised the repeated sampling approach.

 

In this way the constitutive nature of irreducible uncertainty in psychology was eschewed for the objectivity of Newtonian physics.  This is reflected in item response theory’s “local hidden variables” ensemble model in which ability is an intrinsic measurement-independent property of the individual and measurement is construed as a process of merely checking up on what pre-exists measurement.  For this to be justified, Hölder’s seven axioms must apply.

 

In order to justify the labels “quantity” and “measurement” PISA must produce the relevant empirical evidence against the Hölder axioms.  Absent such evidence, it seems very difficult to justify the Department of Education’s claims that (i) “the OECD is at the forefront of the academic debate regarding item response theory,” and (ii) “the OECD is using what is acknowledged as the best available methodology [for international comparison studies].”

 

 

 

 

References

 

Boring, E.G. (1929).  A history of experimental psychology.  New York: Century.

Borsboom, D., Mellenbergh, G.J., & van Heerden, J. (2003).  The theoretical status of latent variables.  Psychological Review, 110(2), 203-219.

Fechner, G.T. (1860).  Elemente der psychophysik.  Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel.  (English translation by H.E. Adler, Elements of Psychophysics, vol. 1, D.H. Howes & E.G. Boring (Eds.).  New York: Holt, Rinehart & Winston.)

Gardner, H. (2005).  Scientific psychology: Should we bury it or praise it?  In R.J. Sternberg (Ed.), Unity in psychology (pp. 77-90).  Washington DC: American Psychological Association.

Lord, F.M. (1980).  Applications of item response theory to practical testing problems.  Hilldale, NJ.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Publishers.

Medawar, P.B. (1982).  Pluto’s republic.  Oxford University Press.

Michell, J. (1990).  An introduction to the logic of psychological measurement.  Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Publishers.

Michell, J. (1997).  Quantitative science and the definition of measurement in psychology.  British Journal of Psychology, 88, 353-385.

Michell, J. (1999).  Measurement in psychology: A critical history of a methodological concept.  Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Michell, J. (2000).  Normal science, pathological science and psychometrics.  Theory and Psychology, 10, 639-667.

Michell, J. (2008).  Is psychometrics pathological science? Measurement: Interdisciplinary Research and Perspectives, 6, 7-24.

Oppenheimer, R. (1956).  Analogy in science.  The American Psychologist, 11, 127-135.

Philip, J.R. (1974).  Fifty years progress in soil physics.  Geoderma, 12, 265-280.

Richardson, K. (1999).  The making of intelligence.  London: Weidenfeld & Nicolson.

Ross, S. (1964).  Logical foundations of psychological measurement.  Copenhagen: Munksgaard.

Rozeboom, W.W. (1966).  Scaling theory and the nature of measurement.  Synthese, 16, 170-223.

Stevens, S.S. (1946).  On the theory of scales of measurement.  Science, 103, 667-680.

Stevens, S.S. (1958).  Measurement and man.  Science, 127, 383-389.

Titchener, E.B. (1905).  Experimental psychology: A manual of laboratory practice, vol. 2.  London: Macmillan.

Wittgenstein, L. (1953).  Philosophical Investigations.  Oxford: Blackwell.

 

The Growth Mindset : Telling Penguins to Flap Harder ?

 We should be rather cautious about adopting the “Growth Mindset” approach as some sort of universal principle. 

Disappointed Idealist

I’m not sure whether this particular blog might lose me friends. It’s not intended to, but I’m going to stumble into an area where I know some people have very strong views. It was prompted by a post-parents’ evening trawl through some blogs, and I came across this blog by Dylan Wiliam :

I’m generally a fan of Dylan Wiliam, although I once tried to joke with him on Twitter, and I’m not sure my humour survived the transition to 140 characters. If I made any impression, it was almost certainly a bad one. Oh well. In any case, it’s not actually his blog on feedback which is at issue here – it’s a good piece, and I agree with the central message about marking/feedback. The bit I want to write about is this :

“Students must understand that they are not born with talent (or lack of it) and…

View original post 4,773 more words

Warning to parents prior to N. Ireland Assembly Election

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FosterThe DUP’s Educational Incoherence

 

At the same time as the DUP has committed itself to a “No Child Left Behind” policy, Peter Weir (Chair of the Education Committee) suggested that the Party might return the Transfer Test to CCEA control.  Has he forgotten that the current AQE test was written to address shortcomings – such as unacceptable high pupil misclassification rate – in the  old CCEA test?

 

More worrying for the coherence of DUP education policy is the remarkably high proportion of children on free school meals (FSM) qualifying for grammar school places under the current AQE tests.  ALMOST HALF of AQE entrants eligible for FSM are meeting minimal standards for grammar school entry.  Handing the test back to CCEA would see a dramatic reduction in this number.  In short, returning to a CCEA test would be entirely at odds with a policy of leaving no child behind.

Advice to Parents on AQE & GL Transfer Tests 2015/16

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Scan_20160126 (2)

Now that the majority of pupils and parents have the results of the test(s) in hand it is right that there is time taken to acknowledge the effort, celebrate and relax.  If only the media would allow it. Instead the annual circus turns up right on cue. Never let facts get in the way of a good story.

Transfer Test Papers)

T he BBCNI Education correspondent, Robbie Meredith, has prepared a package for today’s local  news on the transfer test results.  He talks about the Education Minister calling for an end to academic selection – that is not news. Sinn Fein Education Ministers have been trying to end the existence of grammar schools for sixteen years   Dr Meredith suggests that non- Catholic grammar schools are mostly controlled – that statement is totally inaccurate and finally he fleetingly mentions the “dualling” schools, ignoring entirely the fact that it is only those schools which require pupils to take multiple tests. Dr Meredith has been informed of the potential misclassification of pupils using the ‘equating’ schemes cited by the “dualling schools” but will not investigate or report on the problem.

AQE TEST Q 2015

A question from the AQE transfer test in 2015

The schools accepting GL Assessment and or AQE test results without accepting responsibility for the pressure their unnecessary demands cause are: Lagan College, Belfast (not a grammar school), Glenlola Collegiate, Bangor; Campbell College, Belfast;  Antrim Grammar, Antrim; Victoria College, Belfast; St Patrick’s Grammar, Downpatrick; Wellington College, Belfast; Hunterhouse College, Belfast.

Source: Belfast Telegraph Transfer Test Guide published January 25, 2016 Page 19

Most politicians would like to see the end of academic selection but will not admit it to you lest they lose your vote, a problem they are evidently incapable of reconciling. Former DUP First Minister Peter Robinson made much of his determination to deliver a single test. He left office defeated by the resolve of parents and a dedicated group of principled individuals who will not allow political expediency to destroy parental choice.

Enjoy the weekend.

 

First Minister Arlene Foster must make an education choice

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The Parental Alliance for Choice in Education welcomes Arlene Foster’s recent statement on education if it is a vow of commitment to her educational vision and not simply a sound bite.

Foster

Recent comments from her suggest that she would lead a revolution in education.  It says something about the effects of fifteen years of Sinn Fein misrule that common sense proposals to return to the traditional values that made our education system admired worldwide seem revolutionary.

 

The promise of positive change at this stage is perhaps necessarily vague.  Given her appreciation for the education system in which she grew up, perhaps we can look forward to concrete proposals for protecting the educational heritage currently under direct threat from John O’Dowd and that she will commit her Party to retaining the long-established parity between Northern Ireland’s public examinations and those in England.

 

Why didn’t she give a cast iron guarantee to underprivileged children to remove entirely the Revised Curriculum with its “learning-to-learn” philosophy, proven to be damaging to the achievement of children living in poverty?  Why are we continuing to teach these children according to flawed constructivist principles when a longitudinal investigation of the impact of the Enriched Curriculum on disadvantaged children demonstrated that they had fallen significantly behind their peers in traditional classrooms?  Why not just remove a curriculum in which the rich were getting richer and the poor poorer?  Readers may recall that the CCEA-designed curriculum proposed to raise the reading standards of those children deemed to be not “developmentally ready” by delaying the formal teaching of reading by up to two years!  If Arlene Foster were to abandon this ill-conceived curriculum her party could claim – without fear of contradiction – to have removed a significant number of poor children from the “left behind” category.

 

It currently seems that Arlene Foster doesn’t intend to sweep away John O’Dowd’s legacy. This leaves schools under threat, a curriculum in place which leaves the underprivileged child behind and the standards demanded by CCEA examinations (for the first time ever) perceived to be inferior to those in England, breaking parity.

 

It follows, therefore, that the most puzzling part in Arlene Foster’s no-child-left-behind policy is its widespread popularity. The First Minister of Scotland proposed precisely this policy one year ago, but that merely involved using standardised tests in Scottish schools to detect underachievement.  This could hardly be presented as an educational revolution?  Curiously, both First Ministers use the words “no child left behind” without attribution.  The education world attributes these words to George Bush’s policy that no child should be “left behind” in a school which isn’t making “adequate yearly progress.”  

 

Are we to believe that the DUP will advocate the American approach to no child left behind?  There can be little doubt that this would indeed amount to an educational revolution.  But there’s one among many snags facing Ms Foster.  For all its focus on tests, the real emphasis in the American model is teaching.  It is a requirement of the policy that instruction be “research-based”.  That would mean the inevitable abandonment of the Revised Curriculum and a return to traditional teaching in Northern Ireland.

In short, we await further details before deciding if the First Minister’s words are more sound bite than coherent educational vision.

Stephen Elliott

Chair, Parental Alliance for Choice in Education

Deep flaws in the OFMDFM ILiAD Project

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In a Comment piece in the News Letter of 10 December, I argued that a project designed to investigate the link between deprivation and academic under-achievement was deeply flawed.  OFMDFM, who financed the ILiAD project, didn’t seem to appreciate that the sought-after link had already been investigated in one of the most sophisticated education experiments ever conducted: the USA’s Project Follow Through.

Follow Through

 

Project Follow Through monitored the academic attainment of 79,000 pupils from 180 low-income communities for 20 years.  It arrived at an unequivocal conclusion: those pupils who were taught by traditional methods consistently reached academic standards approximating to their middle class peers.  This conclusion was replicated by two other highly-regarded bodies.  Progressivist curricula – such as those centred on the pupil’s ability to “learn how to learn” – were demonstrated to damage the attainment of children from disadvantaged backgrounds.  This is important because our Revised Curriculum is just such a curriculum.

lyndon johnson

 

The lessons from Project Follow Through are clear: abandoning the Revised Curriculum and returning to traditional approaches to teaching and learning would benefit all of our children, but particularly children from poor backgrounds.  In addition, a great deal of money could be saved if we turned our back on notions like Assessment for Learning (where children are required to mark their own work) and “levels of progression” (which no country on the planet uses).  We could invest more money in our teachers if we weren’t funding what Michael Gove dismissively called “the blob.”

 

Gramsci

 

I am writing now to report something I discovered after the publication of my  Comment piece.  I began to feel even more uneasy about the ILiAD project when I read a paper by one of the project’s authors: Dr Cathal McManus of the School of Education at Queen’s.  In an article which addressed “Protestant working-class underachievement and unionist hegemony” and published in Irish Studies Review he argues that the ideas of Antonio Gramsci offer a superior theoretical lens through which to view the underachievement of Protestant working-class boys, than the ideas of Pierre Bourdieu.

OFMDFMjpg

 

What is curious is that the ILiAD project use Bourdieu for their theoretical lens.  Why wasn’t Gramsci chosen?  His reasoning reinforces the findings of Project Follow Through.  Could Gramsci’s rejection of curricula like the Revised Curriculum, and enthusiasm for traditional approaches to the classroom, explain the curious choice of the ILiAD team?

 

Stephen Elliott

 

Chair, Parental Alliance for Choice in Education

Northern Ireland Education Minister wrong on Pisa evidence

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A challenge was made to John O’Dowd, Northern Ireland’s education minister to refute his error borne out of  reliance on so-called international evidence provided by OECD Pisa data. The Minister has failed to respond. The minister is wrong and remains so.

 

The letter  above was published in the Belfast Newsletter on Friday, November 6th, 2015.

When Sinn Fein education minister John O’Dowd deliberately used the term “dodgy dossier” in respect of transfer testing during Private Members Business in the Assembly on Tuesday, he reversed the truth.

The minister cited international evidence, based on Pisa scores, that selective education fails children.

Astoundingly not one of the unionist politicians present challenged the minister on the facts.

In a peer-reviewed analysis of that evidence, Professor Svend Kreiner wrote of OECD Pisa:

“Most people don’t know that half of the students taking part in the research do not respond to any reading items at all. Despite that, Pisa assigns reading scores to these children.”

In short, Pisa admit that they don’t measure curriculur content or attainment.

Therefore they cannot make an assessment on selective education systems.

Do the politicians who failed to tackle Mr O’Dowd or those schools participating in OECD Pisa not understand that half of the children in the minister’s research were assigned scores for tests they didn’t even sit?

Does anyone in Northern Ireland know of any pupil receiving an AQE or GL Assessment score without taking a test?

With children about to sit the first transfer test tomorrow, it is a pity that those assigned with opposition to the minister’s ideological campaign agaist selection did not challenge him on Tuesday.

If those politicians and their advisors won’t apologise for wrongly traducing the current transfer system, Mr O’Dowd should, on their collective behalf, make clear that it was he who was quoting from a dodgy dossier.

Stephen Elliott,

Parental Alliance for Choice in Education,  Antrim

A message to parents prior to the 2015/16 Transfer Tests

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If the general public needed additional evidence of the growing gulf in connection between politicians and ordinary people they need look no further than this Ulster Unionist motion on the Assembly Order Paper for Tuesday 3rd November 2015

http://www.niassembly.gov.uk/assembly-business/order-papers/03-november-2015/

Overend

The claims made in the Motion are worthy of examination.

That this Assembly notes that a solution to the post-primary process has not been found.

The facts prove otherwise. According to the results of a survey of parents conducted annually since AQE started offering transfer tests (1) The number of applications has grown annually, (2) the tests are more popular than the transfer tests offered by CCEA, (3) the satisfaction expressed by parents runs in the high 90% area.

Further notes that a one size fits all educational solution will not work.

This is stating the obvious so long as a selective education system continues. Unfortunately the persistent interference by politicians determined to impose a comprehensive system on Northern Ireland parents will ensure the imposition of a one size fits all schooling system.

Believes that it is becoming increasingly unacceptable, that every year, thousands of young people are sitting unregulated transfer tests

Unacceptable to the political class? There is no compulsion on any pupil to take the transfer test. If a place in a grammar school is desired then equality of opportunity requires that a test be taken to determine those who should gain admission. It is unsafe for some schools to use tables  seeming to have originated via Victoria College, Belfast to equate the results of two different tests to determine admission. Dualling is to be condemned

Primary schools are placed in the difficult position of mediating between parental demand and the Department of Education policies

It is noteworthy that primary schools have a statutory duty to teach the curriculum which includes both numeracy and literacy. The AQE tests are based on the curriculum so if a primary school stays out of politics and teaches the curriculum there is no potential for conflict. However all of the teaching unions are anti-selection which places teachers in conflict with the best interests of pupils and their parents. The DENI policies are congruent with the main political parties, all of which are anti-selection. Mike Nesbitt and Danny Kinahan are the product of private (or pseudo-private) school education

Further believes that the ongoing politicking of the issue does not address the seriousness of the matter

Did anyone in the Ulster Unionist Party actually read this prior to submitting it? The only people politicking on education are the political parties who are foolishly pandering to principals and teachers who want less accountability.

Calls on the Minister of Education to convene talks with all the major stakeholders in order to build consensus and agree a way forward on the issue.

Martin McGuinness’ Household Survey gave the education establishment the answer they didn’t want to hear in 2002. 64% of households in Northern Ireland wanted to retain academic selection. A cabal of unaccountable educationalists had different ideas which can be associated with Sinn Fein’s Eire Nua. The past decade and a half have been spent trying to convince parents that the education system is broken and in need of rescue. Thankfully AQE gained access to an instrument which meets all of the international standards for high-stakes tests.

 

It is worth noting that in choosing the time to raise this matter the UUP will have been aware of the commencement of annual transfer testing in schools throughout the province. Undoubtedly the media willingly play their part in stoking up the annual faux-crisis by picking up on the politicians unobtainable target of ending academic selection or combining the two different tests into one. The UUP are deliberately ignoring young people and their parents and cynically adding to unnecessary anxieties and distractions for pupils preparing for important tests.

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It is noteworthy that Danny Kennedy, no longer a Minister in the Executive, has tabled this motion. 15 years ago Mr Kennedy was the Chair of the Education Committee when Martin McGuinness launched his campaign to remove selection.  Now he is back in the education field readers should be reminded of his effectiveness, or lack thereof, e.g.

SElliott Ed Comm

It took The Times Higher Education https://www.timeshighereducation.com/news/phantom-book-discovered-in-queens-research-portal/2014144.article to out Professors Gallagher & Smith on their academic misconduct.

Unfortunately Danny Kennedy did not at any time  direct  Martin McGuinness to issue a correction via the Department of Education website. Instead the deception has been available for the world to see for over 15 years. Check it out for yourself. https://www.deni.gov.uk/publications/gallagher-and-smith-research-main-report

Addressing the problem of underachievement among disadvantaged children in Northern Ireland

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Addressing the problem of underachievement among disadvantaged children in Northern Ireland: what the dogs in the street know.

Direct  Instruction

 

Our MLAs have made much of their determination to enhance the academic attainment of those children in Northern Ireland who live in disadvantaged circumstances.  Our universities have been given large sums of money over the years, and have developed a succession of failed progressive teaching models.  Public money has been squandered in looking to higher education to identify the most effective teaching method for levering up the life chances of the poor.  What should be shocking to the general public is that this problem has already been solved in one of the most sophisticated experimental studies in the history of education.  We know precisely how to raise the academic performance of poor children to middle class standards.  Furthermore, this highly effective teaching method is the very antithesis of the progressive methods advocated by CCEA and DENI.

 

This approach to the classroom – called “Direct Instruction” – is entirely at odds with the teaching methods currently advocated by the Department of Education and CCEA.  It takes a simple traditional approach to teaching and learning and would have none of the costs involved in Northern Ireland’s Revised Curriculum.  It is an evidence-based teaching method with proven efficacy in enhancing the examination grades of disadvantaged children.

 

Where is the evidence that this teaching approach will work, and how can we be sure that our current approach is failing children from poor backgrounds?  Quite simply the evidence comes from the largest and most carefully-constructed educational investigation ever carried out. Its aim was to find out, once and for all, how best to teach disadvantaged children.  The unequivocal message of the research was that curricula of type currently advocated by CCEA, DENI and researchers in education in fact damages the life chances and social mobility of disadvantaged children and that no methodology better assists the poor than traditional direct instruction.

 

“Project Follow Through” studied the achievement gains of 75,000 low income children (across 170 communities) in the USA following a range of curricula.  The study lasted for 30 years at a cost of about one billion dollars and monitored the reading, spelling, language and mathematical skills of deprived children.  The study also examined the impact of certain teaching methods on pupil self-esteem.  The findings of the project couldn’t have been clearer: (i) schools which teach by direct instruction offer their pupils the best route out of poverty; curriculum models of the type currently endorsed in Northern Ireland have the potential to damage profoundly the basic skills and self-esteem of disadvantaged children; and (iii) children following progressive curricula score much lower than they would have had they been taught by direct instruction.

Jean Chall

In her 1990 book The Academic Achievement Challenge, the distinguished Harvard reading expert Jean Chall conducted a detailed survey of a century of research on the effective teaching of disadvantaged children, finding no evidence of the efficacy of methods which depart from traditional teacher-centred methods.  Her study offers a damning indictment of the curriculum followed by disadvantaged children in Northern Ireland.

Academic Ach Chall

Abandoning the Revised Curriculum for more structured and traditional approaches could only help these children.  Anyone who needs convincing should glance at the Queen’s School of Psychology’s analysis of the Enriched Curriculum.  Children in the Greater Shankill who experienced traditional teaching, outperformed their peers following the Enriched Curriculum in both English and mathematics.  The researches had to conclude that the “rich were getting richer while the poor were getting poorer.”  This was the only formal investigation of the efficacy of the CCEA/DENI approach to the education of disadvantaged children and it failed spectacularly.  Nevertheless the Revised Curriculum proceeded unmodified.  The central difficulty in respect of the teaching of this important of poor children is that individuals such as Gavin Boyd, Carmel Gallagher and Will Haire were free to ignore powerful evidence which contradicted their worldview, a wordview roundly condemned in a recent General Teaching survey.

Gavin Boyd

Gallagher Trojan

If one carries out a simple Google search on the most effective teaching methods for addressing underachievement among poor children, one will quickly come upon the results of Project Follow Through investigation.  However, one is unlikely to find advocates for direct instruction given that those who pushed for a curriculum whose “scientific” merit now lies in tatters (with the identification of widespread “double-dipping” in neuroscience research) now lead the new Education Authority and the GTC(NI).  As ever, our dysfunctional system rewards those who pressed for the type of curriculum likely to maximally damage the life chances of the very children it was designed to help.

 

 

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